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BARACK OBAMA

Pragmatist with a LIBERAL Sensibility?

Change Agent or Chicago Politician Extraordinaire?

Damned If He DOES, Damned If He DOESN'T?

The Liberal Party never did take a stand for or against Barack Obama's Presidential run in the primaries. There were many reasons for this. The first is that there was little interest on the part of the Obama braintrust in a third party endorsement in New York State because Hillary Clinton, New York's Senator, would never lose to a newcomer from anywhere else in the country. Mrs. Clinton was the Liberal Party's candidate in both of her US Senate campaigns.

And in every way they simply backed away from any real effort to sell New Yorkers on the Obama candidacy. Special events for media coverage and grassroots fundraising, like a night of music at Madison Square Garden, don't count as an "effort."

Other reasons for our silence had to do with our concern about Mr. Obama's experience or lack of it. While he had served in the US Senate for almost two years, almost all of that time was about his early campaign for the Presidency - a campaign that some indicate took so much of his time that he'd only spent about 40 working days in the Senate in Washington, DC.

While his message of change had some genuine national resonance, few Liberal Party leadership people were comfortable with the lack of specificity both on his busy website and in his often fun-to-watch-and listen-to speeches. It seemed to many of us that his "We are the change America is looking for…" did not say enough to make us feel comfortable.

While it would have been impossible for a John McCain to gain the Liberal Party's support - if he'd ever asked for it - some of our leadership were more comfortable with what they knew than with what they didn't know.

But Mr. Obama is our President…and doesn't he look thrilled to have the job? The energy, boundless enthusiasm - he bounces on and off Air Force One - as if he can't wait to get to the next challenge, makes a strong, very American-on-the-go picture.

Challenged at every single move by a Republican Party that seems to have been totally captured by their strongest Right Wing forces, Mr. Obama cannot make a move without someone making a critical comment on it. This "keep hitting" approach to governance - where the party in power does absolutely nothing…NOTHING… that escapes the negative attentions of the party out of power, is a holdover from the Karl Rove eight year machine and Republicans play all of these cards very carefully and with great enthusiasm. Barack Obama seems to have no countervailing force but his own time and effort.

Withal he is faced with a set of challenges that would break many other potential Presidents. Whatever the Bush Administration did in its eight years, no one really thought that the country's financial structure would all but collapse in the months immediately following the campaign. Because Mr. Bush all but disappeared during that period, Mr. Obama had to act immediately to stave off a return of the Great Depression…even getting certain key votes from Congress while he waited in the wings for his swearing in ceremony.

Now a year later all of these problems - the lack of adequate health care insurance coverage, as well as the complete lack of quality healthcare in America (we are ranked 34th in the world in this area), the wars in the Middle East and now - staggeringly - the unprecedented increase in unemployment - all belong to Mr. Obama and his administration.

Unless he finds some answers that begin working (they will all be criticized no matter what they are) he is looking forward to a very bad off-year election in 2010 - an election which could well easily end the very wafer-like Democratic margin in the Senate. Then he must face the reality of a difficult run for reelection in 2012. And make no mistake, Mr. Obama does not want to be a one-term President no matter how tough the job really is.

So it's time to start talking to Mr. Obama and his people about all of the issues in a way that provides alternative liberal approaches and not just criticism.

We start today with an Open Letter to Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, from former Labor Secretary in the Clinton Administration, Robert Reich . This is not the end of commentary on the forthcoming healthcare bill - just the beginning.

We'll also be commenting on the US war machine and on unemployment in America.


An Open Letter to Harry Reid on
Controlling Health Care Costs


Friday 13 November 2009
by:   |  Robert Reich's Blog Photo - jackhynes / flickr

Dear Senator,

I know you're in a tough spot. It would be bad enough if you only had to get Ben Nelson, Evan Bayh, Mary Landrieu, and Blanche Lincoln on board, but anyone who has to kiss Joe Lieberman's derriere deserves a congressional medal of honor.

But Harry, you really need to take on future health-care costs. The House bill fails to do this. The public option in the House bill is open only to people without employer-provided health insurance. That will be too small a number to have bargaining clout to get good deals from drug companies and medical providers. And it will mainly attract people who have more expensive medical needs, which is why the Congressional Budget Office decided it would cost more than it would save.

You also know a public insurance option that's open to everyone would cut future health costs dramatically by imposing real competition on private for-profit insurance plans. That's why the private insurers hate the idea. Even if states were allowed to opt out of this robust public option, the big states would almost certainly opt in, giving it the scale needed to negotiate great deals from drug companies and medical providers. This would put pressure on any state that opted out because their citizens would soon discover they're paying far more.

In addition to the House's weak public option, the deals the White House and Max Baucus made with the drug companies and the AMA will force Americans to pay even more. If, on the other hand, Medicare were allowed to negotiate lower drug prices, biotech drugs weren't granted a twelve-years monopoly, and doctors had to accept Medicare reimbursements in line with legislation enacted years ago, Americans would save billions.

You know all this but you're also trying to get 60 votes in order get any bill to the floor. You have my sympathies, but unless you get these reforms into the final Senate bill you're not really helping most Americans afford future health care.

So what do you do?

First, try for the "reconciliation" process, which requires only 51 votes. Every one of the reforms I mention above would fit under the Byrd rule.

If that doesn't work, wrap these reforms together -- a public option open to everyone (allow states to opt out of this if they dare), Medicare-negotiated drug benefits, no 12-year monopoly for new drugs, and a major squeeze on Medicare reimbursements for doctors -- and have CBO score the savings. I guarantee you, the number will be large. Then you should dare anyone, Democrat or Republican, to vote against saving Americans so much money in years ahead. How is Ben Nelson going to face voters in Nebraska who would have to pay, say, 20 percent more for health care in the future if Nelson refuses to go along?

If neither of these tactics work, then take whatever bill you must to the Senate floor. But then introduce this reform package as the very first amendment to the bill. Call it the "Ted Kennedy Amendment for Helping Middle Class Families Afford Health Care," and whip the hell out of the Democrats. Get the President to help you. Surely Joe Biden will. If you can't get 51 votes out of Dems for this, publish the list of Dems who vote against it, strip them of their committee chairs or sub-chairs, and make sure the Democratic Senate Campaign Committee gives them zilch when they're up for re-election.

Nobody promised you this would be easy, Harry. But, hell, why are you there, anyway? Your responsibility isn't just to pass whatever will muster 60 votes and that the President and Dems can later call "health care reform." It's to do the right thing by the American people and bring down future health-care costs. Don't cave in to Lieberman or Nelson or the drug companies or the private insurers or the AMA or anyone else. Lead the charge.

All best.

Robert Reich was the nation's 22nd Secretary of Labor and is a professor at the University of California at Berkeley. His latest book, "Supercapitalism," is now available in paperback.







LOOKING FOR LIBERAL LEADERSHIP

On this page we discuss what the Liberal Party might do to regain automatic ballot status during the election for Governor in 2010.

But there are other important strategies involved, none more important than rebuilding the Liberal Party itself.

This is a major step in that rebuilding effort.

We are looking for an active leadership group of people in every city and community throughout New York State to become the vanguard of Liberal Party leadership now and in the years immediately ahead. This is a call for that leadership.

Whether we nominate a candidate selected by either the Democrats or Republicans or whether we nominate our own candidate (which we did very successfully last in 1998 when the then Betsy McCaughey Ross not only secured 80,000 votes on our line but also helped Chuck Schumer defeat Al D'Amato for the US Senate by speaking for choice against D'Amato's anti-choice position), we will need active groups of young and not-so-young Liberal Party leaders making calls, gaining petition signatures, meeting for strategy sessions and talking to media about policies and positions that support the liberal view of justice and an open playing field of opportunity for all.


WHAT DO I NEED TO DO?

If you want to get actively involved and become a leader in a new Liberal Party, here's what you need to do:

E-mail me directly and tell me your name, address, telephone number, what you do in life - business, corporate, academic, student - and why you are a liberal and what that means to you - briefly and to the point…almost as if we are meeting for the first time and you've got just a few seconds to "identify" yourself.

And then I'll contact you and we can begin a direct relationship as we work towards meetings and I introduce you to other leadership people around the State.

If you think that the election of a new President who seems very liberally inclined (despite a present failure to communicate specifics about a number of issues), and is facing a wall of deeply conservative, fiercely vocal opposition; and the absolutely horrific activities in the NY Senate as the entire Assembly sits mutely in acceptance of this sickening behavior, deserves liberal voices to right the wrongs we are seeing every day, then it is time for your direct involvement.

And we believe the Liberal Party is the place for that involvement.

If you think so too, I look forward to hearing from you.


Martin I. Hassner,
Executive Director



Coming Back

A Strategy for the 2010 Governor's Race

The 2010 election of New York State's next Governor may be decided by the Liberal Party.

In the hard-ball world of 'third party' politics in NY State, the Liberal Party's endorsement of a Rudolph Giuliani candidacy for Governor in 2010, would provide a ballot line for all those moderate voters who admire his executive leadership abilities (if not necessarily some of his policies) but would never vote for him on the Republican line. It was just such a classic 'third party' strategy that made his election as Mayor of New York City possible and it could work again providing a winning margin in a close race against Andrew Cuomo, the Democratic candidate.

Early polls show Mr. Giuliani with a comfortable and growing lead over Governor David Patterson, indicating voter doubt about Mr. Patterson's abilities to govern. Knowing-pols recognize that his selection as Eliot Spitzer's running mate had to do with Spitzer's need to keep the internal leadership of Dinkins, Rangel, Sutton et.al at bay and had absolutely nothing to do with his ability to be Governor. But who knew? And Governor he is. Today most see him as well-meaning perhaps but clearly struggling.

As for Andrew Cuomo and the Liberal Party there is a history. It was the Liberal Party who launched his father's career when it endorsed Mario Cuomo as Governor before his primary contest with Ed Koch. The endorsement clearly helped Mario win that primary.

In 2002 the Liberal Party again used that 'third party' strategy to influence the Democratic Party's selection of a candidate by endorsing Andrew Cuomo for Governor before his primary race with Carl McCall. But this time, the strategy backfired. As primary day neared, Cuomo suddenly dropped out of the race - pressured by the above-named internal leadership's demands that it was "time for an African-American candidate for Governor" and that Cuomo would have their support 'down the road'. His quitting the race left the Liberal Party without a viable candidate; with no chance of securing the 50,000 votes a Cuomo candidacy 'guaranteed. New York State's Election Law rules that a third party must secure 50,000 votes on its line every four years during the election of a Governor. When those votes are not secured, the party loses its automatic ballot line in every election in the State for the next four years and its enrollees are dropped from the election rolls throughout the State.

Left without a candidate in 2002, the Liberal Party ended its 62 year run as the longest continuously functioning 'third party' in American political history.

For years the uniqueness of the existence of many 'third parties' made New York State very special. The idea that differing opinions, programs and policies could exist beyond the two-party mold, not only made for diversity, but for genuine voter involvement. New Yorkers were all-but-alone in being able to vote their consciences as well as their ideals and beliefs. But with time, all systems become institutionalized and change. The two major parties came to fear the growth and influence of political organizations to the right and left of them and instituted the 50,000 vote law.

For years now that rule has changed the nature of the political game into one of "survival of the fittest" ...not one of substance and policies. Ideally a 'third party' would prefer to support a candidate of its own choice if neither of the two major party candidates fill the bill. Now the first priority as a Governor's race approaches is to seek a candidate with the means to insure those 50,000 votes - far too often a candidate of one of the two major parties.

When it works, as it did 1998 for the Liberal Party when it supported the independent candidacy of former Lt. Gov Betsy McCaughey Ross, running against her former boss George Pataki and NYC Council President Peter Vallone, it works well. We liked her strong views on early childhood education, health care and on a woman's right to choose. The voters liked them too and she received 80,000 votes on the Liberal Party line. While those votes didn't win her election as Governor, they helped defeat another of her "mentors," Alphonse D'Amato in his reelection bid against Charles Schumer for the US Senate.

Would working with either Giuliani or Cuomo bring a similar vote on a Liberal Party line? And would that vote prove to be a balance of power in a very close election between the two of them?. We believe 'absolutely' in both instances.

Despite the hard feelings engendered at the time of the Cuomo action seven years ago, Liberal Party leadership recognizes his essential talents, vigorous liberal philosophy and strong record as the State's Attorney-General . At the same time, the Liberal Party has no delusions about Governor David Patterson ever accepting the Liberal Party's support given David Dinkins' role in establishing the Working Families Party initially to get rid of the Liberal Party. Dinkins was enraged by the Liberal Party's continued support of Rudolph Giuliani for Mayor and acknowledged that it was that support that resulted in the loss of his Mayoralty to Giuliani the second time around.

The fundamental question today is not whether the Liberal Party can support Andrew Cuomo, but whether recognizing the obvious weaknesses in Mr. Patterson's ability to govern, Mr.Cuomo will have the courage this time to enter a primary against Patterson and make a run against the same old-line leadership's wishes.

On the Republican side, the Liberal Party has a history of supporting selected Republican candidates as far back as the 1950's. Over the years, Liberal Party votes provided winning margins for Senator Jack Javits, Mayor John Lindsay and in recent times, Rudolph Giuliani. Today the speculation is that Giuliani will rise again from the debacle of his presidential race, as he did so dramatically to resurrect his image after the terror attack of 9/11. He's clearly the leading Republican candidate for Governor in 2010.

And with that possibility comes the obvious question: will the Liberal Party again view its old friend Rudy as the best in the field?

Who will the Liberal Party choose?

Stay tuned.

Martin Hassner,
Executive Director
Web Site Editor







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